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Tuesday, 5 May 2015

Why Medical Workers are taking personal loans to keep Mizoram’s Healthcare System running

via Scroll on May 5, 2015



Delays in funding have brought the state’s healthcare to the brink of complete breakdown. The situation is only going to worsen unless the government finds a quick solution.

One late evening in April, a senior official with the Mizoram health administration sat in his office in Aizawl, frustrated and angry. It was dark outside. Most of his staff had left for the day. “If they delay it by two months it is okay, if they delay it by three months we may manage, but it is four months now,” said the official, with discernible worry.

The Mizoram Health Society, which decides how healthcare funds get used in the state, was to get Rs 25 crore from the treasury last November. That was the third and final instalment for the year 2014. Even today, the society is waiting for the funds transfer.

While the official watches helplessly, all around him the healthcare system is collapsing.

Funds are needed for running hospitals and clinics, for programmes fighting malaria, tuberculosis and disease control, for immunisation, family planning, childbirth and care of new mothers. The delay is disrupting them all. “It’s not that our funds don’t come,” the health official said. “They eventually do. But the problem is the mismatch between the routing of funding and the needs of the schemes.” To tide over these shortages, he added, “We are telling staff to take loans to keep the work going. That we will reimburse them when the money comes.”

In the meantime, the department is cutting back on essential services.

About 200 kilometres from Aizawl, in Champhai district, a white-coloured caravan makes its way down rutted and broken roads. At the head of the Champhai health administration’s mobile medical unit is a minibus with doctors and nurses. Behind them follow two more minibuses, one carrying an X-ray machine and the other bearing a laboratory.

Till last year, the mobile medical unit used to range across this district in eastern Mizoram, spending as long as a week in every village. With money drying up, things have changed.

Its trips are more sporadic now. Zalawma, a former serviceman who now drives the minibus with the X-ray machine, says the unit now covers shorter distances of 50-80 kilometres and then heads back, leaving behind the rest of the 230 km long, 90 km wide district. There is no way it can cover all the 83 villages in this remote and sparsely-populated part of India. Last year, the mobile medical unit did not function at all for two or three months.

Zalawma says he has not been paid his salary since last August. The only reason he manages despite this is because of his Rs 11,000 pension. Those without pension, he says, are having a hard time. “They are borrowing from everywhere.”


Former serviceman Zalawma stands before the mobile medical unit minibuses in Champhai. 

Grimmer than the medical workers’ situation is the state of the populace. Most people here subsist on livestock and farming, neither of which yields much cash income. But since the medical units are not coming to them, they are being forced to pay to travel to the units or to Champhai for health check-ups.

“The mobile medical units used to reach people who were far away from the primary health centres,” said Dr Lalnuntluangi, Champhai’s medical superintendent. “There are some people who cannot travel. Normal people can always come. But people with HIV, if they do not have the money, they may not be able to come.”

It has been four or five months since the district administration received funds from the state health department, says Lalnuntluangi. This delay has put the local administration in the impossible position of choosing between running local medical infrastructure like the hospital and primary health centres, programmes such as immunisation, and keeping the mobile medical units on the road. In Champhai, it has picked immunisation.

The mobile units travel only when funds arrive. “We need money to buy medicines for the free clinics, dearness allowance for the staff, and fuel for the vehicles,” said Lalnuntluangi. “We stop work and start again when the money comes. We cannot go when there is no money.”

Even then, there are complications. The unit’s doctor has left and there is no replacement. The mobile unit runs by borrowing doctors from the civil hospital which, in turn, affects the hospital. This, says Lalnuntluangi, is another reason why the unit is making shorter trips than before.


Children in Zochachhuiah village in Lawngtlai. Faced with insufficient funds, the state health society is prioritising immunisation over everything else.

Similar choices are faced by the Mizoram health society at Aizawl. Across the state, while the immunisation programme is being protected, other services are witnessing cutbacks. Medical staff, for instance, has not been paid since January, and there is a shortage of medicines for drug-resistant tuberculosis.

The Janani Suraksha Yojana, a scheme to reduce neo-natal and maternal deaths, has suffered the most. “The Ashas [accredited social health activists] are not getting any payment,” said the senior official in the Aizawl office. “The hospitals have not been paying the mothers either.”

How did things reach such a pass?

According to the official, the problem started with a change during the final months of the United Progressive Alliance government in how funds flow to Mizoram’s health society. “Under the old system, the money came to the Health Society directly from the Union Ministry of Health,” he explained. “But now, the Central ministry sends money to the state treasury, which then releases it to the society.”

The trouble is that “the money gets stuck in the treasury”. said the senior official on condition of anonymity. "It is not releasing the money on time."

To understand why the treasury is holding up funds for healthcare, it is important to look at the state’s economy first. Like other states in the North East, it depends on the Centre for most of its funds. Revenues generated within Mizoram are a tenth of what the Centre gives it each year.


Between state revenues and its share of Central taxes, Mizoram gets Rs 1,580 crore to spend any way it likes. The rest comes with preset uses. However, in the recent past, the state’s expenses have exceeded Rs 1,580 crore.

In 2010, Mizoram accepted the Sixth Pay Commission’s recommendations and increased the salaries of state government employees. Between that and subsidies on power, food and water alone, the state is spending close to Rs 2,000 crore each year.

This has created a cash flow problem for the state government. It has high monthly expenses but unpredictable monthly income – it doesn’t know when the Centre’s allocations will come.

Unable to balance expenses and inflows, it periodically runs out of money. At times like these, it either has the choice of borrowing from banks or, like the hapless official in the Health Society, of redirecting funds towards expedient or urgent needs. It chooses the latter, rerouting Central allocations towards meeting its monthly expenditure like government salaries.

When the Centre decided to send healthcare funding to the state treasury instead of to the state Health Society, this swamp of expediency engulfed that money too.

In Mizoram, delays in allocations have become the rule, not an exception. As previous stories in this series of Scroll.in have described, funding delays are threatening the AIDS programme, forest guards in the Dampa Tiger Reserve have not received salaries for six months. In March, students went on strike protesting about delays in their scholarships. Teachers in middle schools, recruited under the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, are facing similar delays with their salaries.

This pattern extends beyond welfare programmes. Take the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana, a programme for building roads linking villages to larger thoroughfares. According to an official in the state Public Works Department, it was to get Rs 54 crore in September. However, till now, it has received only a part this money, in four instalments spread over January, February and March. The balance of Rs 19 crore is still with the finance department.


Funding delays are not limited to just the health programme. T Lalramliama, a school teacher and a graduate from the Pune University, is now driving an autorickshaw to support his family.

Not all of this can be blamed on the Centre. The state administration runs a loose ship. It is overstaffed. It runs large welfare programmes like the New Land Use Policy, which was meant to create alternative livelihoods for jhum farmers but is mainly used by the ruling Congress government to dispense political patronage. Furthermore, these delays are not unique to Mizoram. “Every state in the North East is facing this problem,” said the health official. “Money is being pooled in the finance department.”

Still, what is worrying is that things are going to get much worse.

An overhaul of central funding to states is underway. Acting on the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendations, the Centre will from now on give states a larger share of central tax revenues – from 32% to 42% – while cutting back on the programmes it funds in states.

This includes both states’ development schemes and recurring expenditure (like salaries) for some centrally-funded programmes.

Abhijit Sen, a former member of the erstwhile Planning Commission, says the 14th Finance Commission’s recommendations will hurt states like Mizoram. They will “lose more than the additional tax devolution they get. They will find a large source of money is no longer there”.

Till now, officials in the Mizoram finance department do not know precisely what the new allocation will be. An official in the state’s planning department said, “Till now, after discussions with the Planning Commission, the size of the state budget used to be fixed in January and the allocations would come in March.”

This year, however, that process has not taken place – partly due to the decision to scrap the Planning Commission. “So far there is no allocation from the central government,” said the planning department official. “There is no indication either about the allocation. The 14th Finance Commission has released some numbers. But we do not know how much we are getting.”

If the allocation does fall, can the state make up that deficit? In recent months, the state government has increased the cost of food in its ration shops. It has repealed prohibition even at the cost of displeasing the Church in a state where 85% of the population is Christian. The state government’s fiscal policy statement for 2014-’15 says it expects to earn Rs 30 crore-Rs 40 crore more annually as excise from alcohol. But that is nowhere enough.

One way out of this mess could be provided by new planned roads that seek to connect Mizoram to the rest of the world. The Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport Programme, for instance, will link Mizoram to Sittwe, a port in Burma, but it is running late on the Burma side.

For the people of Mizoram to get better healthcare, the state government will have to think of something else and fast.

Mizoram Forms Committee to Monitor Projects

via Telegraph on May 5, 2015



Aizawl: The Mizoram government has formed a high-level monitoring and surveillance committee to ensure timely completion of centrally sponsored development projects. 

The committee, headed by chief minister Lal Thanhawla, will monitor the progress of development projects, worth Rs 50 crore and above, and chalk out strategies to resolve hindrances, if any, in the implementation of the schemes in the state. It will also prepare a risk assessment report and develop plans for financial management.

Lal Thanhawla said most projects and schemes in Mizoram were centrally sponsored. "At present, a number of development projects are being implemented as part of the non-lapsable central pool of resources under DoNER ministry," he added.

There is no state government project at this moment in Mizoram, barring the New Land Use Policy, which aims to develop and give all farmers suitable, permanent and stable trade in the state.

The chief minister said there was a need for active monitoring and surveillance for expeditious completion of development projects and schemes as many a project had faced obstacles for want of proper planning. Hence the panel was formed.

He said the department of urban development and poverty alleviation was implementing Rs 137-crore project for Swachh Bharat Mission, PWD Rs 1,328.40 crore and the power and electricity department was looking after a project of Rs 297.90 crore. He added that Rs 1,526.14 crore had been sanctioned for New Land Use Policy (NLUP) in Mizoram.

Lal Thanhawla said the urban development and poverty alleviation department had carried out surveillance work for below Rs 50 crore projects in the state. But earlier there was no committee to look after the big projects.

The formation of the newly formed monitoring and surveillance committee was a part of the state government's approach to developing comprehensive growth strategies.

Monday, 4 May 2015

PM Narendra Modi lead nation in prayers on Buddha Purnima

via Zee News on May 4, 2015



New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday led the nation in prayers and solidarity with the people of India and Nepal on the occasion of Buddha Purnima.

Speaking on the occasion of International Buddha Purnima Diwas 2015, the PM said the messages of Buddha are relevant even today.

Sharing the "pain" of quake-devastated Nepal, Modi hoped that the "beloved brother" bounces back quickly from its current crisis even as he observed that the task of recovery was long and arduous.

"We should share the pain and wipe the tears of people of Nepal," Modi said while referring to the devastation caused in the birthplace of Lord Buddha on the occasion of his birth anniversary.

He was addressing a gathering here on 'Buddha Purnima' where one-minute silence was observed in memory of those killed in the massive earthquake in Nepal and India.

"The birthplace of Lord Buddha, our beloved brother Nepal is going through a massive crisis. People of Nepal have to bear this difficult situation. It is difficult to imagine how long and arduous this journey will be. We share the pain of the people of Nepal. Let us pray to Lord Buddha that they get new strength," he said.

Invoking Lord Buddha, he said his teaching of compassion inspires one to rebuild lives.
India has deployed massive resources, including military forces, for rescue and relief operations in Nepal.
Address the gathering attended by ambassadors, MPs, scholars and Buddhist monks from across the globe, Modi also said the world is going through "turmoil" and added the teachings of Lord Buddha can show the way out.

"Violence is at its peak. Major part of the world is soaked in blood....People are baying for each other's blood. In this situation of bloodshed, where will the message of compassion come from? The only resort is Lord Buddha and his teachings," the Prime Minister said.
He cited how Buddha, who was born as a prince, renounced the wordly things like power and wealth to seek salvation through spiritualism 2500 years back.

"Some people think power and prosperity are good enough to solve all problems.... But Lord Buddha renounced all these to seek greater powers through love and compassion for welfare of humanity. This thought is not small. He must have been having big conviction and courage to renounce all these," Modi said. 

Modi said Lord Buddha had always championed the cause of dalits, oppressed and deprived classes of the society besides empowerment of women.

He did not believe in "ekla chalo" (march alone) but always laid emphasis on bringing people together, which has inspired dalit icon Baba Ambedkar.

"Lord Buddha wanted evolution in the society... The issues being discussed presently were taken up by Lord Buddha 2500 years ago. His teachings are relevant in this age also," the Prime Minister said.

Referring to the talk that 21st century belongs to Asia, he said this cannot happen without Buddha and application of his teachings.

"Buddha's words had immense power and that is why the world accepted him," he underlined.

Taking a dig at his critics, Modi said he, as Chief Minister of Gujarat, had placed a statue each of Lord Buddha at the entrance of the state Secretariat and his official residence but "apparently their (critics') attention has not gone to that aspect. Otherwise, they would have flogged me."

He said he proposes to build an impressive Buddha temple in his ancestral place Vadnagar in Gujarat where materials related to the founder of Buddhism had been found.

Earlier this morning, the PM took to microblogging website Twitter to extend his greetings on the occasion of Buddha Purnima.

बुद्ध पूर्णिमा के अवसर पर देशवासियों को हार्दिक शुभकामनायें।भगवान बुद्ध के सत्य, अहिंसा और शांति के संदेश हमे सदैव प्रेरित करते रहेंगे। he twitted.

Only twice since Independence has Buddha Purnima been officially commemmorated, in 1956 and 2007.
Buddha Purnima or 'Vesak' is recognised as the thrice sacred day that marks the birth, enlightenment and Mahaparinirvana of Lord Buddha. While Buddha was born in Lumbini in Nepal, he attained enlightenment in Bodhgaya in Bihar, preached first in Sarnath and attained Nirvana in Kushinagar in Uttar Pradesh, it said.
Thousands of people died in Nepal last week in the devastating earthquake on April 25. The quake affected various states of India too, killing many.

Saturday, 2 May 2015

Are the Mizo students afraid of Chakma students in a fair competition? asks, activist Paritosh Chakma

          The Chakmas of Mizoram have often alleged a tacit understanding between the state government and some jingoistic civil society groups in their larger goal to suppress the minorities with an aim to keep them deprived as long as possible. But the recent act of the Government of Mizoram, at the behest of the state’s all-powerful student outfit the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP or Mizo Students Association), to remove the Chakmas from Category I for the purpose of selection in higher technical courses, has openly brought into public display how community NGOs like MZP are dictating the terms and the government has abdicated its constitutional responsibility to protect the minorities’ interests. The fact that the notified amendments to the State Technical Entrance Examination (STEE) Rules were drafted by the MZP and the government accepting them in toto, speaks volumes about the government’s intention to create unequal citizens, which in turn lead to acrimony and conflicts.

The Mizoram (Selection of Candidates for Higher Technical Courses) (Sixth Amendment) Rules, 2015 notified on 24th March, 2015  provides for three categories: Category I for Zo-ethnicity people who are “indigenous people”, Category II for Non-Zo ethnicity who are “non-indigenous people”, and Category III for Central government and other state government employees who are not permanent residents of Mizoram. Since Chakma is a non-Zo community, they are excluded from Category I, and instead included in Category II along with, probably, Brus and Gorkhas/Nepali and other permanent residents who are not “Zo”. Earlier, under the Principal Rule of 1999 all the “local permanent residents” of Mizoram were together put in Category I along with the Mizos. The removal of Chakma and other non-Zo Scheduled Tribes from Category I is not merely administrative but has political overtones with far-reaching impacts on the minority communities. The message from the Mizoram government is loud and clear: Chakma cannot be equal to Mizo; Chakma are unwanted in Mizoram.

Fight for limited opportunities:

The problem started after as many as 38 Chakma students qualified, including 25 in medical and 13 in Engineering, in the STEE 2014 by dint of their merit and hard work, and were rightfully placed in Category I under the existing rules (Rules of 1999). The selection of so many Chakma students in engineering and medical seats alarmed the MZP, and it launched protests demanding amendments of the STEE Rules to the disadvantage of the Chakmas. The question is: are the Mizo students afraid of Chakma students in a free and fair competition?


Surely, it is all about fight for limited resources. But the Mizo students body has chosen a short cut way to access these limited resources and opportunities: by depriving the Chakmas through wrongful means. Indeed, opportunities are limited in the state which does not have a single higher technical or medical college/institute. The Central Government made provision for allotment of seats for the State in different institutes of India for higher and technical education. But the number of seats so allotted is quite insufficient to meet the demands of the Mizoram students. This year, Mizoram has a quota of 176 seats in medical and 121 seats in engineering colleges. Hence, the MZP wants to keep the Chakma and other non-Zo students out of the competition by removing them from Category I, rather than giving them a tough fight in the examination halls. The method of selection as adopted now is unfair to non-Zo students, as it provides for “total reservation” of all seats in favour of Zo students.

Contempt of Court:

The concept of “total reservation” for Category I candidates first espoused in the Rules of 1999 were declared as unconstitutional by the Gauhati High Court in September 2000 in Bhanu Choudhury vs State Of Mizoram And Ors. In its judgement the High Court stated, “...we find that the new Rules of 1999 to the extent as contained in sub-rule (3) of Rules 5 providing that selection shall be made from Category I first. In case sufficient number of candidates are not available from Category I remaining seats shall be filled up from Category II and III and likewise, is held to be ultra vires and is struck down.”

This forced the state government to amend the Rules in 2002, providing 85% reservation for Category I (Children of local permanent residents), 10% for Category II (Children of non-local permanent residents) and 5% for Category III (Children of Central government and other state government employees who have lived in Mizoram for the last two years). So, Chakma students, being local permanent residents of Mizoram, were required to compete with Mizo students and other local permanent residents for 85% of the total seats. This was fair enough – let merit alone decide the allotment of seats for local permanent residents of Mizoram, not community or ethnicity.

But the Mizoram government tweaked the Rules once again, and the 2014 examination was conducted by providing total reservation to Category I in contempt of the Gauhati High Court order. This is evident from the “Information Brochure 2014”of “Technical Entrance Examination for selection of candidates for higher technical courses” which stated,

“Method of Selection
On the basis of marks obtained in the Selection Examination, selection shall be made in order of merit from amongst eligible candidates from Category-I first. In case sufficient number of eligible candidates are not available from Category-I, the remaining seats shall be filled in, in order of merit by the eligible candidates from Category-II and Category-III likewise.”

In such a scenario providing for Absolute Reservation for Zo-ethnicity people, no one other than students of Zo-ethnicity will ever be selected, even if they top the entrance examination, as per the new Rules of 2015. Hence, the rules are illegal.

Antithetical to idea of Mizoram:

The amended Rules, 2015 gives the political message that Mizoram belongs to the “Zo” ethnicity and all other communities who are non-Zo may live in the state but as “second class citizens”, or as “guests”, correspondingly, with lesser rights and privileges.  This violates the very idea of Mizoram which is peaceloving and God fearing. The Mizoram Peace Accord 1986 promised that “The rights and privileges of the minorities in Mizoram as envisaged in the constitution, shall continue to be preserved and protected and their social and economic advancement shall be ensured.” That promise has been broken prominently once again.

By creating “unequal citizens” you end up creating more conflicts. The Hmars and Brus have been waging armed movements against the State. Three other major minority communities having their own Autonomous District Councils (Chakmas, Lai and Mara) are up in arms against the state but through peaceful means, pressing for direct funding and even upgradation of their ADCs into the status of Union Territory to escape epic discrimination and neglect by the majority. Chakmas are worst targeted as minorities, but they remained committed to peaceful democratic means of struggle. This is the beauty of Mizoram that the non-Mizo minority community like Chakma have contributed. Mizos must acknowledge this. They should also realize that they (community and state) gain nothing by keeping the Chakmas deprived and backward; rather it harms the interests of the state. At the end of the day, a single community cannot take a state or country to its height of development or glory, if the condition of the other communities (minorities) living therein does not improve. A man may be healthy or well-built in all respects but if any of his body parts are deformed that man will still be considered as physically handicapped. By drawing a legal distinction between Zo and non-Zo among its citizens, what the Mizoram government has eventually done is to further divide the state along ethnic lines. The alienation of the minorities, who already face systematic discrimination, could only weaken Mizoram further.


All communities have wings of fire. The selection of 38 students from Chakma community in a single competitive examination says a lot about the rising aspirations of the Chakma youths. It will be a mistake to try to crush the aspirations of the youth, which is never possible. Further while the motive may be to keep the Chakmas oppressed, my reading is that it might have just helped the otherwise lethargic community to strengthen socially and politically. A few months earlier, the proposal by another leading NGO, Central Young Mizo Association to headcount the Chakmas had brought Chakma leaders of different political parties on a single platform to resist the illegal move. The STEE issue has shaken the Chakmas further, and an appropriate democratic response is bound to come in the coming days.

Friday, 1 May 2015

Indigenous Jumma People Vow to Launch ‘Non-Cooperation Movement’ on Bangladesh Read

via Indian Country on May 1, 2015
Courtesy Ben Powless/Survival International
: In this Survival International file photo, Jummas and indigenous people from around the world call for the Chittagong Hill Tract peace treaty to be honored outside the UN in New York in May 2011. This week the Jummas were back at the UNPFII still fighting for the Peace accord to be honored – four years later.
As the 14th session of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues concludes, one group from Bangladesh has vowed to begin a “non-cooperation movement” against the government of Bangladesh. The Jumma or “Hill People” of the Chittagong Hill Tracts are demanding the country fully implement a 1997 treaty known as the CHT Peace Accord. The pact was intended to settle violence and restore lost lands in the jungles where the Jumma have claimed as their ancestral territory. But indigenous leaders complain the government has been slow to fully implement the agreement. And they’ve threatened a possible violence by today, May 1 if Bangladesh fails to take action on enforcing the accord.
On Monday, the Bangladeshi government addressed the UN about the disputed CHT Peace Accord. A top-level government official, Naba Bikram Kishore Tripura echoed sentiments that no Indigenous Peoples exist in the country.
“We believe that the notion of Indigenous Peoples should be used judicially and in a historically tenable manner,” Tripura said before the panel. “It would be self-defeating [for Bangladesh] to imply the notion in political and socially cultural contexts where historically it is far different from the situation where it is germane,” he continued.
Tripura is the Ministry Secretary of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs, the governing body overseeing implementation of the CHT Accord. He’s also considered a “tribal,” or the term the government uses when describing people claiming indigenous identity, such as the Jumma.
Indigenous leaders attending the talks criticized Tripura’s formal statement before the UNPFII as manipulative on the part of Bangladesh, saying the ministry official attempted to gloss over the issues attached to the defunct CHT Accord.
Since Bangladesh gained independence in 1971, there’s been an on-going debate over land rights and recognition of Indigenous peoples in the country. The dispute led to a violent civil war in the CHT that lasted for more than two decades. The bloodshed ultimately ended with the signing of the CHT Peace Accord. But bitter territorial disputes and violent clashes have lingered on.
According to the 2011 national census, there are an estimated 1.5 million citizens who claim indigenous ancestry, or roughly 1.8 percent of the country’s total population. But Bangladesh argues that all its citizens are essentially indigenous based on historical ties to the region.The Jumma, however, say their ancestral connection to the Chittagong Hill Tracts is exceptional and reference an 18th century treaty signed with the British government as proof of their indigenous status.
Around one million people identify as Jumma, a group comprised of 11 tribal factions, mostly of Buddhist belief. The largest of the Jumma groups is the Chakma, an ancient kingdom that once negotiated a peace treaty under British rule in 1787. Today, the group is the leading political arm for Jumma rights and recognition in Bangladesh. Its leaders were among the chief signatories of the CHT Accord.
Raja Devasish Roy, a Permanent Forum member and Chief of the Chakma Circle in the Chittagong Hill Tracts addressed the human rights panel, urging governments like Bangladesh to recognize Indigenous Peoples in the country. “The generic understanding of ‘Indigenous Peoples’ is now entrenched, within the UN system. It would be of mutual benefit for the Asian and African states and their Indigenous Peoples, to work together with such an understanding,” Roy said.
Latest figures suggest there are an estimated 370 million Indigenous Peoples worldwide, a population that includes groups like the Jumma who are not recognized by their respective countries. Meanwhile, the UN has not formally adopted an official ‘definition’ of indigenous identity, complicating the struggle for the Jumma.
At the core of the Jumma’s fight for recognition are lingering land disputes. The indigenous group claims they are victims of both historic and recent land grabs by Bangladeshi military forces, the government, and Bengali settlers. As a result, violent clashes have taken place in the region for decades. A delegation came under attack during a visit to the region last July.
Upon the signing of the CHT Accord, a CHT Land Commission was formed. But so far, there is no record of any land dispute ever being settled since the commission was created in 1999. Indigenous leaders describe the forum as broken.
Yet, the Jumma have found recent allies. On Monday, a coalition of Nordic countries urged Bangladesh to restore the Jumma their lost lands by fully implementing the CHT Accord.
“Unfortunately, the situation still gives rise to concern,” said Julie Garfeldt Kofoed, Second Secretary of the Permanent Mission of Denmark. “We encourage the Government of Bangladesh to ensure full implementation of the Peace Accord. It is long overdue, as almost two decades have passed since the signing of the Accord.”
Back in Bangladesh, the Jumma have also threatened the government with violence if the accord is not fully implemented. Retired guerilla fighter, Jyotirindra Bodhipriya Larma, popularly known as ‘Santu’, issued a May 1 deadline for Bangladesh to announce a road map on implementing the remaining provisions of the accord. He claims only 13 have been fully enforced out of 25. Whether violence will erupt in the Chittagong Hill Tracts remains to be seen. Larma was once a leader of the rebel group who fought Bangladeshi forces for nearly two decades leading up to the CHT.

Human Rights Activist, Blogger Paritosh Chakma, writes Mizoram: Creating Unequal Citizens and Conflicts


The Chakmas of Mizoram have often alleged a tacit understanding between the state government and some jingoistic civil society groups in their larger goal to suppress the minorities with an aim to keep them deprived as long as possible. But the recent act of the Government of Mizoram, at the behest of the state’s all-powerful student outfit the Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP or Mizo Students Association), to remove the Chakmas from Category I for the purpose of selection in higher technical courses, has openly brought into public display how community NGOs like MZP are dictating the terms and the government has abdicated its constitutional responsibility to protect the minorities’ interests. The fact that the notified amendments to the State Technical Entrance Examination (STEE) Rules were drafted by the MZP and the government accepting them in toto, speaks volumes about the government’s intention to create unequal citizens, which in turn lead to acrimony and conflicts.

The Mizoram (Selection of Candidates for Higher Technical Courses) (Sixth Amendment) Rules, 2015 notified on 24th March, 2015  provides for three categories: Category I for Zo-ethnicity people who are “indigenous people”, Category II for Non-Zo ethnicity who are “non-indigenous people”, and Category III for Central government and other state government employees who are not permanent residents of Mizoram. Since Chakma is a non-Zo community, they are excluded from Category I, and instead included in Category II along with, probably, Brus and Gorkhas/Nepali and other permanent residents who are not “Zo”. Earlier, under the Principal Rule of 1999 all the “local permanent residents” of Mizoram were together put in Category I along with the Mizos. The removal of Chakma and other non-Zo Scheduled Tribes from Category I is not merely administrative but has political overtones with far-reaching impacts on the minority communities. The message from the Mizoram government is loud and clear: Chakma cannot be equal to Mizo; Chakma are unwanted in Mizoram.

Fight for limited opportunities:

The problem started after as many as 38 Chakma students qualified, including 25 in medical and 13 in Engineering, in the STEE 2014 by dint of their merit and hard work, and were rightfully placed in Category I under the existing rules (Rules of 1999). The selection of so many Chakma students in engineering and medical seats alarmed the MZP, and it launched protests demanding amendments of the STEE Rules to the disadvantage of the Chakmas. The question is: are the Mizo students afraid of Chakma students in a free and fair competition?


Surely, it is all about fight for limited resources. But the Mizo students body has chosen a short cut way to access these limited resources and opportunities: by depriving the Chakmas through wrongful means. Indeed, opportunities are limited in the state which does not have a single higher technical or medical college/institute. The Central Government made provision for allotment of seats for the State in different institutes of India for higher and technical education. But the number of seats so allotted is quite insufficient to meet the demands of the Mizoram students. This year, Mizoram has a quota of 176 seats in medical and 121 seats in engineering colleges. Hence, the MZP wants to keep the Chakma and other non-Zo students out of the competition by removing them from Category I, rather than giving them a tough fight in the examination halls. The method of selection as adopted now is unfair to non-Zo students, as it provides for “total reservation” of all seats in favour of Zo students.

Contempt of Court:

The concept of “total reservation” for Category I candidates first espoused in the Rules of 1999 were declared as unconstitutional by the Gauhati High Court in September 2000 in Bhanu Choudhury vs State Of Mizoram And Ors. In its judgement the High Court stated, “...we find that the new Rules of 1999 to the extent as contained in sub-rule (3) of Rules 5 providing that selection shall be made from Category I first. In case sufficient number of candidates are not available from Category I remaining seats shall be filled up from Category II and III and likewise, is held to be ultra vires and is struck down.”

This forced the state government to amend the Rules in 2002, providing 85% reservation for Category I (Children of local permanent residents), 10% for Category II (Children of non-local permanent residents) and 5% for Category III (Children of Central government and other state government employees who have lived in Mizoram for the last two years). So, Chakma students, being local permanent residents of Mizoram, were required to compete with Mizo students and other local permanent residents for 85% of the total seats. This was fair enough – let merit alone decide the allotment of seats for local permanent residents of Mizoram, not community or ethnicity.

But the Mizoram government tweaked the Rules once again, and the 2014 examination was conducted by providing total reservation to Category I in contempt of the Gauhati High Court order. This is evident from the “Information Brochure 2014”of “Technical Entrance Examination for selection of candidates for higher technical courses” which stated,

“Method of Selection
On the basis of marks obtained in the Selection Examination, selection shall be made in order of merit from amongst eligible candidates from Category-I first. In case sufficient number of eligible candidates are not available from Category-I, the remaining seats shall be filled in, in order of merit by the eligible candidates from Category-II and Category-III likewise.”

In such a scenario providing for Absolute Reservation for Zo-ethnicity people, no one other than students of Zo-ethnicity will ever be selected, even if they top the entrance examination, as per the new Rules of 2015. Hence, the rules are illegal.

Antithetical to idea of Mizoram:

The amended Rules, 2015 gives the political message that Mizoram belongs to the “Zo” ethnicity and all other communities who are non-Zo may live in the state but as “second class citizens”, or as “guests”, correspondingly, with lesser rights and privileges.  This violates the very idea of Mizoram which is peaceloving and God fearing. The Mizoram Peace Accord 1986 promised that “The rights and privileges of the minorities in Mizoram as envisaged in the constitution, shall continue to be preserved and protected and their social and economic advancement shall be ensured.” That promise has been broken prominently once again.

By creating “unequal citizens” you end up creating more conflicts. The Hmars and Brus have been waging armed movements against the State. Three other major minority communities having their own Autonomous District Councils (Chakmas, Lai and Mara) are up in arms against the state but through peaceful means, pressing for direct funding and even upgradation of their ADCs into the status of Union Territory to escape epic discrimination and neglect by the majority. Chakmas are worst targeted as minorities, but they remained committed to peaceful democratic means of struggle. This is the beauty of Mizoram that the non-Mizo minority community like Chakma have contributed. Mizos must acknowledge this. They should also realize that they (community and state) gain nothing by keeping the Chakmas deprived and backward; rather it harms the interests of the state. At the end of the day, a single community cannot take a state or country to its height of development or glory, if the condition of the other communities (minorities) living therein does not improve. A man may be healthy or well-built in all respects but if any of his body parts are deformed that man will still be considered as physically handicapped. By drawing a legal distinction between Zo and non-Zo among its citizens, what the Mizoram government has eventually done is to further divide the state along ethnic lines. The alienation of the minorities, who already face systematic discrimination, could only weaken Mizoram further.


All communities have wings of fire. The selection of 38 students from Chakma community in a single competitive examination says a lot about the rising aspirations of the Chakma youths. It will be a mistake to try to crush the aspirations of the youth, which is never possible. Further while the motive may be to keep the Chakmas oppressed, my reading is that it might have just helped the otherwise lethargic community to strengthen socially and politically. A few months earlier, the proposal by another leading NGO, Central Young Mizo Association to headcount the Chakmas had brought Chakma leaders of different political parties on a single platform to resist the illegal move. The STEE issue has shaken the Chakmas further, and an appropriate democratic response is bound to come in the coming days.